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Discussing New GOP Demographics

In the wake of the past election cycle, much speculation continues to swirl in GOP circles as to what must be done to bring in attractive demographics. Our strongest constituent continues to be white southern males, but Michael Barone reminds us that this isn’t a growing demo. Besides, one cannot build a broad-based movement on hard-core fans alone: just ask Major League Soccer! Why is the NFL so big? One reason is that, in addition to lots of hard-core fans, it’s everyone else’s second-favorite league/sport.

So, the over-arching question remains: how can we expand our base, and whom should we target? Herein lies the arguments within GOP circles. Rush Limbaugh has speculated, only half-jokingly, that the country club blue bloods in the GOP are becoming so uncomfortable with conservatives that they would just as soon ditch us right-wingers and replace us with Hispanics. Good luck with that: conservatives are the ones doing all the heavy lifting in the Republican Party. The blue bloods would politically marginalize themselves. We, in turn, need the blue bloods’ money and voting bodies. Like it or not, we need each other, as a schism of that sort would hurt both camps.

Want to build a greater base of support? Start with a basic analysis. Find out whom you have a reasonable chance of attracting, and whom you don’t have much of a chance. Obviously, one wants to avoid writing off too many “groups,” but some “groups” are simply unwinnable. Income class is one of the most obvious areas of division. The Democrat Party has become a party of unholy alliances: it does well in attracting both the upper class and the lower classes – the well-to-do and life’s losers. This, of course, has already been tackled in a previous blog post.

Michael Barone has advised that, while the GOP already does strongly in “Jacksonian America,” he should try to attract more high-end voters. I agree in theory, of course, but the upscale voters come in many flavors. Which sorts of flavors would be pleasing to the base palate that favors low taxes and limited government (limited in the forms of laws, regulations, etc.)? 

Again, start with those whom one would have little chance of getting. It’s great to say that we want to attract more folks with advanced degrees, but you have to be careful targeting different folks in different lines of work. Target the wrong kinds of degreed citizenry, and they’ll either reject you (thus resulting in a major waste of time and resources), or to attract them, you have to modify your own party platform so extensively as to become a “me-too” form of the Dems (which is what got us in the current mess to begin with). 

Forget public school teachers. Sure, there are some exceptions, but that does not negate the fact that about 15-20% of the delegates to the Democrat National Convention in Denver in ’08 where from that line of work. The public school teachers are so in the tank for big government, because big government insulates them from having to compete to keep their jobs like the rest of us. It’s not worth trying to attract them, short of destroying the NEA and other teachers unions, which we could theoretically do if we get serious about school vouchers. But to do that, we have to build up a broad base of support elsewhere – consider it an attainable Catch-22.

But what about other professionals with advanced degrees? Forget higher ed professions. The whole educational industrial complex is about insulating themselves from reality, be they academic support professionals living in a cushy bubble, or college professors living on their own planets of fantasy – the management and econ profs notwithstanding, at least! 

Accountants might sound like a conservative position, since those who are in that line of work seem firmly grounded in reality. But in this case, reality is not the issue. Ask yourself: why go to an accountant? You go there because to most of us, tax laws are cumbersome and complex beyond belief, and we need a professional to help us through such Byzantine regulations. If business regulations and tax laws were less unduly elaborate, we would have less need for accountants. Simply put, accountants professionally thrive off such regulations that are burdensome to the rest of us – in gross violation of George Washington’s farewell advice to be mindful of the exploitation of various factions for political gain.

Lawyers are not necessarily monolithic in terms of Democrat support, but the majority certainly are. The plaintiff’s attorneys are major donors to the Dems, because they have a vested interest in maintaining litigation-friendly regulation. Indeed, the flurry of lawsuits that so many managers in so many industries have to face has become its own back-door regulation via litigation. The Dems and trial lawyers have thus developed their own symbiotic relationship.

Alright, you ask, so whom could we attract that is upscale and/or has an advanced degree? Doctors would be a great place to start. Most own their own private practices – hence, they believe in business-friendly laws, at least in theory, if nothing else – and litigation to them is a perpetual torment, perhaps worse that various wasps and ants would be to explorers in the Amazon! Add in the left’s absolute jones for nationalizing their very livelihood, and we have a ready-made upscale demographic begging for our help, and we in turn could benefit immensely from their support. Indeed, it is of a long-time mystery to yours truly as to why this golden opportunity to exploit this potentially wonderful symbiotic relationship has not since been exploited.

Another high-potential target demo: MBAs. Yours truly is among this camp, so it is safe to say that a good portion of this demographic is already in the GOP camp, but there is more gold to be mined, so to speak, particularly with those who pursue concentrations of general management and entrepreneurship (the folks who concentrate in HR might not have that great of potential, alas). Concerning both doctors or business managers, we don’t need to change our principles, contrary to the contentions of the Wizards of Smart. What we need to do is to come up with eloquent, powerful messages that clearly articulate our principles of low taxes and limited government, messages that could convince these important demos that we’re worth their time and support.

To be credible in this message, we have to make sure that we actually stand for these things – not having done so is why we’ve been whisked into the political wilderness in the first place. Enough liberals seem willing to lose elections without compromising their leftist principles. We have to take a similar principled stand when it comes to be willing to live – and die – by our conservative values. Even if we lose, liberals’ credibility will eventually implode in the eyes of the voters, and they’ll be hungry for a conservative alternative. Now’s not the time to go soft on standing up for what made America great!

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New Demographics for the GOP?

In the wake of the past election cycle, much speculation continues to swirl in GOP circles as to what must be done to bring in attractive demographics. Our strongest constituent continues to be white southern males, but Michael Barone reminds us that this isn’t a growing demo. Besides, one cannot build a broad-based movement on hard-core fans alone: just ask Major League Soccer! Why is the NFL so big? One reason is that, in addition to lots of hard-core fans, it’s everyone else’s second-favorite league/sport.

So, the over-arching question remains: how can we expand our base, and whom should we target? Herein lies the arguments within GOP circles. Rush Limbaugh has speculated, only half-jokingly, that the country club blue bloods in the GOP are becoming so uncomfortable with conservatives that they would just as soon ditch us right-wingers and replace us with Hispanics. Good luck with that: conservatives are the ones doing all the heavy lifting in the Republican Party. The blue bloods would politically marginalize themselves. We, in turn, need the blue bloods’ money and voting bodies. Like it or not, we need each other, as a schism of that sort would hurt both camps.

Want to build a greater base of support? Start with a basic analysis. Find out whom you have a reasonable chance of attracting, and whom you don’t have much of a chance. Obviously, one wants to avoid writing off too many “groups,” but some “groups” are simply unwinnable. Income class is one of the most obvious areas of division. The Democrat Party has become a party of unholy alliances: it does well in attracting both the upper class and the lower classes – the well-to-do and life’s losers. This, of course, has already been tackled in a previous blog post.

Michael Barone has advised that, while the GOP already does strongly in “Jacksonian America,” he should try to attract more high-end voters. I agree in theory, of course, but the upscale voters come in many flavors. Which sorts of flavors would be pleasing to the base palate that favors low taxes and limited government (limited in the forms of laws, regulations, etc.)? 

Again, start with those whom one would have little chance of getting. It’s great to say that we want to attract more folks with advanced degrees, but you have to be careful targeting different folks in different lines of work. Target the wrong kinds of degreed citizenry, and they’ll either reject you (thus resulting in a major waste of time and resources), or to attract them, you have to modify your own party platform so extensively as to become a “me-too” form of the Dems (which is what got us in the current mess to begin with). 

Forget public school teachers. Sure, there are some exceptions, but that does not negate the fact that about 15-20% of the delegates to the Democrat National Convention in Denver in ’08 where from that line of work. The public school teachers are so in the tank for big government, because big government insulates them from having to compete to keep their jobs like the rest of us. It’s not worth trying to attract them, short of destroying the NEA and other teachers unions, which we could theoretically do if we get serious about school vouchers. But to do that, we have to build up a broad base of support elsewhere – consider it an attainable Catch-22.

But what about other professionals with advanced degrees? Forget higher ed professions. The whole educational industrial complex is about insulating themselves from reality, be they academic support professionals living in a cushy bubble, or college professors living on their own planets of fantasy – the management and econ profs notwithstanding, at least! 

Accountants might sound like a conservative position, since those who are in that line of work seem firmly grounded in reality. But in this case, reality is not the issue. Ask yourself: why go to an accountant? You go there because to most of us, tax laws are cumbersome and complex beyond belief, and we need a professional to help us through such Byzantine regulations. If business regulations and tax laws were less unduly elaborate, we would have less need for accountants. Simply put, accountants professionally thrive off such regulations that are burdensome to the rest of us – in gross violation of George Washington’s farewell advice to be mindful of the exploitation of various factions for political gain.

Lawyers are not necessarily monolithic in terms of Democrat support, but the majority certainly are. The plaintiff’s attorneys are major donors to the Dems, because they have a vested interest in maintaining litigation-friendly regulation. Indeed, the flurry of lawsuits that so many managers in so many industries have to face has become its own back-door regulation via litigation. The Dems and trial lawyers have thus developed their own symbiotic relationship.

Alright, you ask, so whom could we attract that is upscale and/or has an advanced degree? Doctors would be a great place to start. Most own their own private practices – hence, they believe in business-friendly laws, at least in theory, if nothing else – and litigation to them is a perpetual torment, perhaps worse that various wasps and ants would be to explorers in the Amazon! Add in the left’s absolute jones for nationalizing their very livelihood, and we have a ready-made upscale demographic begging for our help, and we in turn could benefit immensely from their support. Indeed, it is of a long-time mystery to yours truly as to why this golden opportunity to exploit this potentially wonderful symbiotic relationship has not since been exploited.

Another high-potential target demo: MBAs. Yours truly is among this camp, so it is safe to say that a good portion of this demographic is already in the GOP camp, but there is more gold to be mined, so to speak, particularly with those who pursue concentrations of general management and entrepreneurship (the folks who concentrate in HR might not have that great of potential, alas). Concerning both doctors or business managers, we don’t need to change our principles, contrary to the contentions of the Wizards of Smart. What we need to do is to come up with eloquent, powerful messages that clearly articulate our principles of low taxes and limited government, messages that could convince these important demos that we’re worth their time and support.

To be credible in this message, we have to make sure that we actually stand for these things – not having done so is why we’ve been whisked into the political wilderness in the first place. Enough liberals seem willing to lose elections without compromising their leftist principles. We have to take a similar principled stand when it comes to be willing to live – and die – by our conservative values. Even if we lose, liberals’ credibility will eventually implode in the eyes of the voters, and they’ll be hungry for a conservative alternative. Now’s not the time to go soft on standing up for what made America great!

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Party Identity

The results of the past election continue to swirl in the minds of the GOP faithful as we strive to move forward and find new ways to advance the ball of conservatism. One thing that continues to stick in the mind of yours truly is what sort of folks the two major parties tend to attract.

The Democrat Party has become an unholy alliance of two disparate classes: the upper class and the lower class. This party attracts the well-to-do – the majority of them, at least – and the Great Unwashed for very different reasons. Concerning the latter, the reason is rather obvious. The Great Unwashed feel as though they are entitled to every government hand-out under the sun, and view the politicians that bring them such hand-outs as having sympathy to their plight. Most people with a modicum of ambition would look at themselves in the mirror and try to figure out how to end such a plight. Not the Great Unwashed. Theirs is largely a self-inflicted predicament, mostly due to lack of faith in their own abilities, and often combined with a lack of discipline to overcome one’s own character flaws. In short, they see no reason to improve themselves – a direct contradiction to the American Way of life-long self-improvement – and expect everyone else to subsidize their self-indulgence in their own poverty. Government to them is a permanent safety net, coming at our expense in the form of higher taxes and empowering Democrats to encroach on more of our liberties. Given the current political climate and lax standards in our education system, empowering such people with the right to vote is like letting the inmates run the asylum. In earlier times, you had to hold property in order to be allowed to vote. Thanks to Andrew Jackson, that horse left the barn a long time ago, and more the pity.

The saving grace concerning the Great Unwashed when it comes to the political threat they continue to pose to those of us who are industrious is thus: they are, at best, a static (if not shrinking) demographic, and their voter turnout rate is inconsistent. True, within the lower class swath, some sub-groups turn out in droves – black trash, for example, have an historically higher turnout rate than white trash, since identity politics is a cornerstone of black trash culture(hence its inherent defectiveness). The GOP could try to attract them with the right message of preserving individual liberties, but in order for that message to become attractive, these people will have to learn to have faith in themselves and in their own potential. Ultimately, motivation comes from within, something that no politician of any party can change.

A bigger head-scratcher to the politically engaged industrious folk is, what attracts the well-to-do to the Democrats? There are actually four major reasons.

One reason: Many in the well-to-do love the idea of government subsidizing boutique social spending. It’s their way of acting like they’re compassionate to the rest of society – compassionate with other people’s money, mind you, but let’s not confuse these poor rich people with facts.

Another reason: the well-to-do are, by and large, wealthy. The fundamental difference between wealth and earnings is wealth is what you already have accumulated, whereas earnings are what you make in terms of being paid for your productivity. The general idea behind building wealth is to methodically save and invest your earnings. The greatest entry barrier to wealth is high taxes – the more the government takes away from you, the less you have left over to build your own wealth. Translation: I have mine, screw the rest of you.

The third reason why the upper class tends to side with the Dems has to do with the most fundamental impetus that animates liberalism, that being the foolish notion that “we know what is best for you.” Many of the well-to-do have, over time, erroneously concluded that just because they’re adept at making money – assuming they didn’t inherit it, which is often the case – they are therefore wise enough to make broad-sweeping decisions for everybody else in society.

The fourth reason is perhaps the most telling. Part of being liberal is being detached from reality. To quote Dr. Thomas Sowell, among the many luxuries wealth can afford is insulation from reality, which is perhaps the most dangerous reality of them all.

So if the Dems are largely composed of the two economic extremes – the well-to-do and life’s losers – then where does that leave Republicans? Easy: the Republicans are indeed the Party of the Middle. No, not necessarily of middle-of-the-road politics (moderate politics means you don’t really stand for anything, one of the big reasons we’ve lost badly in 2006 and ’08), but of the Middle Class.

What are Middle Class values? There are many, but the big ones include being accountable for your actions, be hard-working, work to make something of yourself, obey the law, have faith in yourself, delay gratification, don’t have kids out of wedlock…you get the idea.

Therefore, whereas the well-to-do are insulated from reality with wealth, accountability and delayed gratification become low priorities. On the other side of the coin, the Great Unwashed are such because delayed gratification is a foreign concept – which is why these people account for such large percentages of lottery ticket sales, and they perpetuate their own poverty in-part with having children outside the bonds of marriage.

Whereas the Great Unwashed lack faith in themselves and ultimately have little if any direction in life, the Middle Class all strive to methodically build wealth, to raise their standards of living, give their children better lives than they themselves had, all the while maintain a sound, civil society. Because their ticket to building wealth is making and saving as much money as possible, the Middle Class has a vested interest in keeping taxes as low as possible. The well-to-do, however, already have substantial amounts of wealth, and as such, high income taxes are not an issue, since they already have lots of money. But, as mentioned previously, those same high taxes will crush the dreams of those who work hard in order to improve their lot in life. B. Hussein Obama threatens to crush those “animal spirits” with his flurry of new regulations and calls for more taxes.

This same vested interest in high taxes spills directly over into a vested interest in minimized government regulation. Many in the Middle Class have concluded that the way to a better life is though ardent, earnest entrepreneurship. Heavy government regulation is the main barrier to being successful in this critical arena, and those who don’t “get it” – namely High Queen Hillary -- deride the idea of an “ownership society” as an “on-your-own society.” Indeed, those who are well-to-do and are conservative usually are because they started out lower or middle class, and became wealthy through their own hard work, and, at the same time, kept in mind the values that got them there, realizing that other people becoming wealthy does not detract from their own wealth.

That same entrepreneurship mentality can be extrapolated to entire metropolitan areas. Raise your hand if you think you have a better chance of “making it” as an entrepreneur in one of these cities: New York or Dallas? If you chose the latter city, go to the head of the class. Indeed, the best cities for corporate growth and business in general are all cities in the Sun Belt, and in “Red States,” including Nashville, Knoxville, Memphis, Dallas, Atlanta, Houston and Phoenix.

By that same token, one of the many reasons that California has one of the highest rates of unemployment in the country (about 10.5% at last count) is that regulations and taxes are so crushing, businesses have been leaving the state in droves. Add in ungodly mandatory workman’s comp “benefits,” and you’ve got Small Business Hell in the Once-Golden State.

So if the GOP is indeed the “Party of the Middle,” how can the party leverage this position for future success? The most concise answer is to be more vigilant and eloquent in our message of why people can benefit with lower taxes and less government regulation, in direct contrast to B. Hussein Obama’s “Shock and Awe Statism,” to quote Gov. Mitch Daniels of Indiana. John McCain was, to be perfectly frank, lacking in eloquence and in credibility in delivering such a critical message. To move forward, we will need a standard-bearer who has the eloquence to connect more strongly with Middle Class America.

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The King of Swing's Centennial

   An important centennial anniversary for one of the most influential musicians in 20th Century American Popular Music is fast upon us. Within the worlds of popular and classical music, his talent was regarded as among the greatest of all time. As a bandleader, he was likewise in the highest echelon. He was even a pioneer in racial integration of music groups. But most importantly, he was responsible for ushering in arguably the most important musical revolution of all time, and it came when he was least suspecting it; in so doing, he became known as the “King of Swing.” This important musician was none other than Benny Goodman, born 100 years ago today (May 30). 
 
   Many bandleaders and musicians have left their indelible mark on big band/swing music, but only a few have achieved what would merit being put into the “Big Four” of big band. At the center of the genre, and arguably the most important of the “Big Four” would be Benny Goodman. He, along with Tommy Dorsey, Artie Shaw, and Glenn Miller, were the titans of the era, largely due to the fact that they were the most effective business managers, (along with having the lion’s share of talent on their parts and on the part of their sidemen) which translated into the highest level of commercial success within the genre – a de facto top-ranking as far as the vast majority of fans past and present are concerned. But more importantly, another standard with which to measure said titans would be their demanding standards for performance, not only from themselves, but also from their players. These standards have manifest themselves in many quality records, which in turn translated into the aforementioned commercial success. Unlike some successful bandleaders who came onto the scene either during the growth or maturity phases of the era, Goodman’s stretch of commercial success practically spanned the entire era itself.
 
   Born Benjamin David Goodman in Chicago on May 23, 1909, he was the youngest of 12 children, the son of a poor immigrant tailor, David, who fled his native Russia to escape the growing anti-Semitism in that country. “The Patriarch of the Clarinet,” as he was also known, was first introduced to such an instrument when he received one as a young boy at a local synagogue. Later, he received two years of classical training from renowned clarinetist Franz Schoepp.

   Like many other future legends in Big Band, he got his big start with Ben Pollack’s band, beginning in 1926, making his first record the next year at age eighteen. He left Pollack’s band in 1929, moved to New York City, and became a studio musician. Already enjoying a good reputation among the jazz community by the early 1930s, with the help of his friend and agent, John Hammond, he put together a band of all-star musicians and cut some jazz sides in 1933 and ’34 on Columbia Records. Two tracks of note during this period were recorded in December of 1933: a young Billie Holiday made her vocal recording debut on the records “Your Mother’s Son-in-Law” and “Riffin’ the Scotch.”

   Goodman would record those same tracks in instrumental form the following year with the same band, this time under the surname of “Bill Dodge and His All-Stars.” The line-up included such legends as Bunny Berigan, Jack Teagarden, and a host of others. Also in 1934, already with a more permanent band, he secured a spot on the popular NBC radio program “Let’s Dance,” which featured three different bands and different styles of music (Xavier Cugat’s band provided the Latin music, Kel Murray’s band the mainstream vanilla music, and Goodman’s band capped things off with the swing!). What tied all three bands together was not just that they played on the same show, but each opened up their respective segments with the same theme song, “Let’s Dance,” all arranged in different ways, naturally. This show would leave a lasting influence on Benny’s band, as he would adopt this tune as his band’s own theme song (he and his band would finally record a studio version in Oct., 1939), opening almost all future gigs with it, as numerous CBS and NBC radio airchecks have since attested. Because Goodman needed new arrangements for each show, however, he brought in Fletcher Henderson, who himself once led a popular all-black jazz band, to arrange popular songs. He even hired Henderson’s former players to teach his players how to play in their “gutsy” style.

   The truly pivotal year, though, came in 1935. In May of that year, a musician strike forced the cancellation of the Let’s Dance show, and with nothing else to do, Goodman and his band decided to tour across the country that summer. Most of the tour swayed between having mediocre results and outright disaster. Some dancehall proprietors charged their patrons by the dance, which put pressure on the band to shorten their songs, thus cutting out many musicians’ solos. One particular low point of the tour came in Denver when the crowd demanded their money back. By the time they reached the West Coast in August, the band was broke, disillusioned, and ready to quit. Then one gig turned it all around. The band was booked to perform at the Palomar Ballroom in Los Angeles for three weeks, starting on Aug. 21, 1935. The location was a serendipitous spot for a big turnaround, as the ballroom could accommodate 4,000 couples. Initially wanting to play it safe, the band started out playing some recently-purchased stock arrangements, i.e., the soft stuff.

   Not surprisingly, given the tepid music the band was playing, the crowd’s reaction was the same. At one breaking point, Goodman’s legendary drummer Gene Krupa, a fellow Chicagoan and arguably the greatest drummer of all time himself, said to his boss: “Benny, if we’re gonna die, let’s die playing our own thing.” Indeed: Benny’s whole “brand” was playing their own gutsy style of swing. Benny concurred with Krupa, and motioned to break out Fletcher Henderson’s arrangement of the Jelly Roll Morton tune “King Porter Stomp.” The band recorded the studio version on July 1, 1935, and paired with “Sometimes I’m Happy,” (RCA Victor 78 25090), both featuring strong trumpet solos by Bunny Berigan, arguably the greatest jazz trumpeter ever to play. 
 
   What Goodman initially failed to consider at their first night at the Palomar was the scheduling quirks of the Let’s Dance show. NBC broadcasted it nationally from New York, but the show started so late, most listeners in the Eastern Time Zone were unable to hear the broadcasts, but it was prime time for the West Coast audience. Benny had a loyal crowd hungry for his swing at this venue, and he didn’t know it until he, along with the rest of the band, decided to play the music like they felt it, so to speak. Their rendition of King Porter Stomp created a sensation among the fans, and the band became an overnight success. “Jitterbuggers” captured the floor, and other adoring fans crowded the bandstand to get a close look at the band, hollering for more swing. Within days of that fateful night, newspapers around the country were heralding the sensation created by Benny Goodman at the Palomar. From the brink of failure came national success; the Swing Era had finally begun, and it Benny became the genre’s front-runner.

   Following the engagement at the Palomar, Benny’s band did several one-nighters before being booked to play at the Congress Hotel in Chicago. Goodman was already tabbed “The King of Swing” by the press and fans, and even though the booking was to last three weeks, the band stayed there for eight months!

   To be sure, Benny and his band had plenty other records that same year to signify that the Swing Era was officially under way, both before and after the pivotal events at the Palomar. Many historians look back to April of that year, with records such as “Hunkadola,” “I’m Livin’ in a Great Big Way” (featuring a young Buddy Clark on the vocals) and the Johnny Mercer tune “Dixieland Band”, one of the first tunes that introduces fans to the vocals of Helen Ward, Goodman’s primary female vocalist for two full years. All three of these records set the highly energetic tone that characterizes most of Goodman’s other records of 1935, including King Porter Stomp. Fans of arcane Christmas songs relish Goodman’s band’s version of “Jingle Bells,” which also features a sublime Bunny Berigan trumpet solo. Fans looking for a tune that typifies the popular “businessman’s bounce” tempo of the era would enjoy “You’re a Heavenly Thing,” and “Japanese Sandman,” both of which illustrate Fletcher Henderson’s style of playing off sharp, biting brass against rolling reeds. Just for good measure, the band’s versatility is demonstrated in the blissful Art Deco imagery-inspiring ballad “Restless.” For those who doubt that Benny Goodman’s was music the gutsiest of the era, Goodman properly set that important tone that same year with “Get Rhythm in Your Feet (And Music in Your Soul),” also graced with a brief Berigan trumpet solo.

   Goodman’s gutsiness was the prime reason why he was the King of Swing, but it was by no means the only reason. Granted, the formula that Goodman followed could perhaps be simplified to the point of white musicians playing black-inspired arrangements (think of Sam Phillips’ comments on Elvis as a white boy singing like a black man, and making him a million bucks in so doing) – such an oversimplification would nonetheless partly explain the “gutsy” factor. But behind the strong playing styles were highly talented musicians. Not only was Goodman a good business manager, he lead a virtual all-star cast of talent (his “Bill Dodge” band of 1934 might have been temporary, but it set the precedent for his selectiveness of the right kind of talent. From 1935 to 1939, his trumpet section alone read like an all-time greatest team, with Bunny Berigan, Pee Wee Erwin, Chris Griffin, Ziggy Elman, and even Harry James, who joined the band in 1937 before starting his own prominent band in early 1939. Goodman started in 1935 with Frankie Froeba at the piano, but later replaced him with the even more-talented Jess Stacey, who would remain with Goodman for the rest of the decade. Gene Krupa’s credentials at the drums have already been mentioned, but it underscores an important point: in any business, be it music, sports, or even accounting, the best-performing teams are not necessarily entirely composed of all-stars from top to bottom, but a healthy mix of all-stars and other solid, slightly niche-talent that is very well suited for specific roles. The rest of Goodman’s roster during its heyday of the latter part of the 1930s reads off the same way, with Red Ballard and Murray McEachern on trombones, Benny’s own brother, Harry, on bass, Allen Reuss on rhythm guitar, and who could forget the saxophone line-up of Vido Musso & Art Rollini on tenor, coupled with Hymie Schertzer and Toots Mondello on alto? Even Goodman’s chief rival, Tommy Dorsey, would have clamored for such a line-up, and indeed, he would later incorporate certain members into his own band, either on a temporary (Bunny Berigan) or permanent (Ziggy Elman) basis. Not to be outdone, Goodman would sometimes respond in kind, buying off some of Dorsey’s talent. When Gene Krupa left Goodman’s band to start his own in 1938, Goodman brought over Davey Tough from Dorsey to fill in the vacated drum chair. That same year, Goodman also snatched away Babe Russin, Dorsey’s star tenor sax player who capped off the legendary TD recording of Irving Berlin’s “Marie” (Jan. 29, 1937) with a memorable solo, just eight or ten bars removed from one of Berigan’s greatest trumpet solos ever put to acetate.

   If unparalleled energy sets the tone for Benny Goodman’s 1935 records, gutsiness sets the tone for what he and his band recorded in 1936. January 24, 1936 was a particularly fecund recording date, for it included “Stompin’ at the Savoy,” “Goody Goody,” “It’s Been So Long,” and “Swingtime in the Rockies.” Other key tunes from that year include “Christopher Columbus,” whose main riff reappeared in a more important record the following year. “Sing Me a Swing Song” essentially picks up where “Get Rhythm in Your Feet” left off, including a Helen Ward vocal, albeit minus Berigan’s trumpet talent. Also worth noting are records such as “Remember” and Fletcher Henderson’s arrangement of Hoagy Carmichael’s “Stardust.” Since Hoagy first recorded his own song in 1927, 1,600 different artist have rendered their own interpretation of this precious song. As the Swing Era progressed, it became de riguer for each band to record their own version of that song, and each band predictably had their own “take” on the song. Goodman’s take, with the help of Henderson, was very much that of the “businessman’s bounce” tempo, in stark contrast to Tommy Dorsey’s and Artie Shaw’s balladeering approaches.

   But the 1936 tour de force work of Goodman did not stop there. Helen Ward did some of her most poignant work with the band on “Glory of Love,” “These Foolish Things Remind Me of You” and “You Turned the Tables on Me.” One of the last songs she sang with the band was “Gee, But You’re Swell.” She left the band in October of that year to marry a Texas oil millionaire, but her singing legacy was already firmly in place by then. The instrumentals from the later part of that year do not disappoint, either. Henderson’s arrangement W.C. Handy’s “St. Louis Blues” sets the bar for other bands to meet with that blues standard, but an even more important Henderson arrangement is “Down South Camp Meeting.” Incidentally, both tunes were featured in the Martin Scorsese film “The Aviator”. Yet it could be argued that Goodman saved the best for last in ’36. The Nov. 5, 1936 session produced one of the ‘swingingest’ records of all time, and then turned around with one of the most wonderful big band ballads ever recorded. Offering proof positive that Fletcher Henderson did not have a monopoly on hard-core swing is Jimmy Mundy’s arrangement of “Bugle Call Rag” (which can also be heard in the movie “The Aviator”). One other notable record of that date, though, was “Goodnight My Love.” Helen Ward had already left the band, so to fill in the female vocal gap, Goodman borrowed a young Ella Fitzgerald from Chick Webb’s band to temporarily fill in the void. While “Goodnight My Love” is one of the perfect songs to cap off a date with your significant other, the other records she cut with the band – “Did You Mean It” and “Take Another Guess” – are worth bending the ear as well.

   Goodman’s prolific recording that year mirrored his constantly busy tour & concert schedule. He started off the year with a busy recording slate, and ended the year in a similarly hectic pace, but his exacting, demanding standards continued to shine through with quality records. His main vocalist position continued to be in flux, with different vocalists taking turns until Benny could find someone to measure up to his standards. Margaret McCrae took a few turns in front of the microphone (hear “This Year’s Kisses” for reference), though one notable record cut on Dec. 30, 1936 was “He Ain’t Got Rhythm” (another Irving Berlin song) sung by Jimmy Rushing, “Mr. Five-By-Five” himself!

   The band made some slight transitions in 1937, not the least of which was a new presence in the female vocals department. Goodman finally found a more-than-suitable replacement for Helen Ward in a young Martha Tilton, whose voice added new dimensions to the band’s records. Initially, most of her work was in the form of ballads (“You Took the Words Right Out of My Heart”), though occasionally she did semi-swing tempos such as Johnny Mercer’s “Bob White” and “Let That Be A Lesson to You.” 

   Much of Goodman’s music overall seems much smoother to the ear, compared with the overall hard-charging tones from the previous year. That said, the swing fans would not be disappointed with certain offerings such as “Roll ‘Em,” whose melodic structures, one could argue, gave rise to ancestral rock ‘n’ roll DNA. Another milestone recording was cut on Nov. 12, 1937: it’s businessman’s bounce tempo only partially concealed the tune’s true swing intentions, that being “Loch Lomond.” Keep your ear open for a brief yet stupendous Harry James trumpet solo.

   Yet the most important song for Goodman out of that year was also one that would define his career, and indeed, his musical legacy: “Sing, Sing, Sing (With a Swing),” recorded on July 6, 1937 in Hollywood, Calif. – one day before they cut “Roll ‘Em,” interestingly enough. The song may have been written by Louis Prima (yes, as in the voice of King Louie in Disney’s “The Jungle Book!”), but it was defined for all eternity by Goodman. At eight minutes and 40-some seconds, it takes up both sides of a 78-RPM record disc (the 12-inch kind, not the standard 10-inch one!), but the opening bars from the saxes in the low registers, punctuated by fluttering trumpets, will hook any listener who has anything resembling a pulse.

   The Goodman machine continued to hum along in 1938; in fact, some historians have argued that the band truly began to hit its proverbial stride that year. One might argue their point of rectitude in that the band seemed to have perfected that ‘lilting reed’ effect in the sound of the woodwind section, if nothing else. But to ignore the records of this year is to ignore a crucial part of Goodman’s body of work, for he cut some important tracks this year as well. On Feb. 16, 1938, for example, he and his band cut “Don’t Be That Way” and their own version of Count Basie’s “One O’Clock Jump.” A number of Goodman’s 1938 offerings create their own unique listening sensations. Some examples of interesting, oddly addicting records include “Lullaby in Rhythm,” and Goodman’s rendition of the old standard “Sweet Sue – Just You” (the big band version, not to be confused with his quartet version from 1936). Another fine record is Goodman’s adaptation of “Make Believe” from the Jerome Kern musical “Showboat.” Martha Tilton proved she could still crank out ballads (e.g., “Don’t Wake Up My Heart”) then turn right around the swing with “Feelin’ High and Happy.” The whole band gets a piece of the vocal action with “Flat Foot Floogie.” A personal favorite ditty from that year is “You’re a Sweet Little Headache,” which also features Tilton’s vocals. That very song was briefly played during the Venice apartment scene of the film “Indiana Jones And The Last Crusade."
 
   But however sublime the records were in 1938, Goodman logged another milestone achievement, not only for his career, but for his whole genre, by headlining a concert at Carnegie Hall on Jan. 16. It was the first time that a non-classical music act would play at that historic venue. It would also be one of the few concerts where the band did not start things off with “Let’s Dance.” Rather, they began the concert with “Don’t Be That Way” instead. The concert was meant to be concluded with “Sing, Sing, Sing.” This particular live performance lasted for over 12 minutes (it was captured for posterity by a single microphone hanging over the stage and wired directly to CBS’ studios), and includes a rather lengthy, somewhat rambling piano solo by Jess Stacy, and Goodman’s clarinet solo towards the end is radically different from the studio version. Very much to the credit of Goodman and his band, after concluding this tour-de-force rendition of the tune, instead of basking in the applause of such an historic performance, they wasted little time in giving the crowd a ‘bonus,’ so to speak, with playing “Big John Special.”
 
   More to the point, one cannot overlook Goodman’s live performances when surveying his cumulative body of work. For those fortunate enough to find some of his live Camel Caravan radio broadcasts on CD (he did most of them in 1938 and 1939), they add an extra dimension to his studio recordings, and in most instances, the live version becomes preferable to the studio version. Moreover, on scant occasions, the live rendition is indeed the only rendition. Glenn Miller is thought to own the song “In the Mood,” but Goodman’s rendition on a radio show from Nov., 1939 gives the swing fan reason to re-evaluate who owns what! Speaking of re-evaluation, check out Goodman’s live ‘take’ on Miller’s “Moonlight Serenade!” That tune requires an entire paradigm shift of how to approach the song, proving that an established ballad can indeed ‘bounce!”
 
   Be that as it may, Goodman’s performances from 1939, both in-studio and on the air, are solid all the way around. Martha Tilton’s swan song with the band was recorded on Feb. 1, 1939: “And the Angels Sing.” It retroactively sets the tone for all the other records she cut with Goodman. The record would also end up being one of the swan songs for RCA Victor. John Hammond, Goodman’s long-time friend, persuaded him to switch to the Columbia label later that year, and the switch signaled changes in musical tone as well. Martha Tilton left the band shortly after recording “And the Angels Sing.” The ladies working for Goodman in the female vocals department for the remainder of the year would be Louise Tobin, followed by the veteran Mildred Bailey. For a good example of Tobin’s work with the Goodman’s band, look to their rendition of Rodgers’ & Hart’s “I Didn’t Know What Time It Was.” A good example of Mildred Bailey’s work with the band is “Scatter-Brain,” as well as Johnny Mercer’s “I Thought About You.”
 
   But what one might be apt to initially overlook from the perspective of studio recordings from 1939, one quickly takes notice of their live performances on the Camel Caravan radio shows. Goodman positively sizzles with live renditions of “Pic-a-Rib,” “Jumpin’ At The Woodside,” and Fats Waller’s “Stealin’ Apples.” But those Camel Caravan shows yield myriads of other fine gems as well, such as a live instrumental of “Scatter-Brain” (1939), “Lambeth Walk” and “You Go To My Head,” both with Martha Tilton (Sept. 6, 1938 – look them up on iTunes!), “Back Home In Indiana” and Hoagy Carmichael’s “Blue Orchids” (1939), Louis Armstrong providing guest vocals on “Ain’t Misbehavin’” (1939), “Chicago” (1938), and many, many more. Bottom line: any big band fan’s music collection is incomplete without some tracks from Goodman’s Camel Caravan shows.
 
   As expansive as Goodman’s body of work is in just four years – not counting the many records he cut during the following decade – that still does not cover the entirely scope of his recording and performance output. Another key dimension of Goodman is his work output from his small groups; his trio, which later became his quartet, and ultimately his sextet. He introduced the trio in 1935; the group was composed of Goodman on the clarinet, Krupa on drums, and Teddy Wilson on piano (keeping Jess Stacey on piano the big band). What was revolutionary from a social aspect was that Teddy Wilson was black. The trio’s live debut that year was the first time a racially integrated band performed live. Goodman’s small group, and its integration, was augmented the further year when Benny decided to add a new dimension to the trio by bringing in Louisville native Lionel Hampton on the vibraphone, thus turning it into the Benny Goodman Quartet. The Quartet became the Sextet in 1939 by adding bass and Charlie Christian on electric guitar (specifically, the Gibson model ES-150).
 
   For perhaps the finest example of the Trio’s work, listen to “Body and Soul” (1935). The Quartet has numerous fine tunes to its credit. Both “Avalon” and the timeless Hudson-DeLange tune “Moonglow” were prominently featured in the recent film “The Aviator,” though for those seeking to ‘turn up the heat,’ so to speak, look for a live rendition of the old minstrel tune “Shine,” (for the best one, find the Sept. 6, 1938 performance on iTunes: trust me, it’s there!) or, better yet, if you can grab a copy of the 1937 film “Hollywood Hotel,” you can witness the Quartet perform their only known rendition of “I’ve Got a Heartful of Music.” The Sextet tunes have a quality all their own. Much of their recordings, most notably “Flying Home,” but also “Shivers,” “AC/DC Current” and “South of the Border,” while recorded an performed in 1939, are a good 10-15 years ahead of their time.
 
   Naturally, it is not as if Goodman fell off the face of the Earth after 1939. Far from it: he would continue to enjoy much recording success with noted vocalists Helen Forrest (think: “Yours Is My Heart Alone” from 1940) and Peggy Lee (think: “Why Don’t You Do Right” from 1942) and continue to wow the fans wherever he performed. But as the early ‘40s progressed, guys like Glenn Miller continued to gain in notoriety while Goodman did his best to maintain market share. Although he and his band remained a force to be reckoned with during a half-decade dominated by the Second World War, his true heyday was the latter half of the Thirties.
 
   As noted earlier, Goodman was the “King of Swing,” and arguably the best of the best when it came to the “Big Four.” Each of the Big Four of Big Band stood out in their own way. Miller and Dorsey, on one hand, saw music as one big business and to the musical purists, ‘sold out’ more so than anyone else. Artie Shaw, meanwhile, took the most cerebral approach to the music compared with the other elite members, but his psychological makeup was such that he would frequently burn out on the business. Goodman’s place in the upper echelon of Swing is unique in that he was a shrewd businessman, and at the same time, the most absorbed in his own music. Many friends and colleagues in the business where therefore understandably surprised when he finally got married in 1942 (to Alice Hammond, sister of friend/agent John). They all pegged him to be the eternal bachelor; who, after all, could compete with his all-consuming interest in music?
 
   What Benny Goodman achieved both with this playing and with his leadership of his highly capable players in his band was bringing Swing music out of the backroom haunts along the Mississippi waterfront and Harlem dives into the mainstream popular culture of America. His gutsy style of playing gave Swing fans all across the fruited plain a beacon to look to for great, hard swing, played in such a way that it paradoxically did not alienate the mainstream wing of that genre’s audience. His personal drive, demanding managerial style, and solid players line-up all came together to produce something near-magical at a time when America needed such an uplifting power the most, given that there was the Depression going on. His gigantic footprint on Big Band, and his correspondingly strong contribution to American popular culture in general, was thankfully rewarded through strong financial gains.
 
   This sort of evaluation started to take place as early as 1946, when Big Band was becoming old news, being replaced by the vocalists who made their very names with the bands. It was on that occasion that noted Big Band historian George T. Simon offered his own retrospective analysis:

“Swing can thank Benny Goodman, and Benny Goodman can thank Swing. Swing can thank Benny Goodman for making possible its acceptance in a world which, before the advent of the King’s reign, thought that the best swing hung between two trees in a backyard and that a beat was reserved exclusively for cops and reporters. Benny Goodman can thank Swing for making possible his attaining a huge house, a swimming pool, a tennis court, a wife, two daughters, a slew of managers and the security that allies itself with a million cabbage leaves, all autographed either by Vinson or Morgenthau.”

   In the following decades, Benny was still a household name among the adults, and the musical world still looked to him to be one of jazz music’s chief ambassadors. In the winter of 1956-’57, he toured the Far East: the trip was highlighted by a jam session in the Royal Palace at Bangkok, where the King of Thailand played alongside the King of Swing. Goodman also took a band on tours of Europe in the late ‘50s, such as going to the Brussels Fair in Belgium, and to Basel, Switzerland, in 1959. Another memorable tour took place in 1962, this time in Russia, at the height of the Cold War.
 
   While Artie Shaw might have sniffed that “musically, (Benny’s) vocabulary was very limited,” he probably overlooked the fact that Goodman was equally skilled at playing classical music as he was at playing jazz, as his brilliant performance of Mozart’s Clarinet Concerto (K. 622) from 1956 clearly attests. But even with an allegedly limited musical vocabulary jazz-wise, so what? If you’re better at one thing than anybody else, something that the marketplace embraces, from a business standpoint, that individual would be in good financial standing (one cannot be all things to all people, after all!).
 
   Those who read my lengthy tribute to Artie Shaw in the wake of his passing on Dec. 30, 2004 are no doubt familiar with these words when I point out that for those who wring their hands – understandably – about the presence of excessive smut and dirty lyrics in much of today’s popular music, Goodman’s music reminds us that the standard for American popular music was once such that it stimulated the senses prone to excitement while at the same time avoided dumbing down oneself to a lower culture. 
 
    In that spirit, Goodman’s music is a mammoth, critical piece to a large puzzle of American popular music that continues to encourage the world at large to ‘Get Happy,’ as well as to aspire to a higher culture. This Centennial Anniversary of Benny Goodman’s birth therefore reminds us of our need for gratitude for such a musical/cultural legacy. Benny Goodman’s musical talent, combined with his intense drive and ambition, has left this one major lasting effect: we’re culturally happier and richer from his work, “And The Angels [therefore] Sing!”

Postscript: The vast majority all the aforementioned tunes in this piece are available on iTunes, with a few exceptions from 1938, oddly enough (no luck? Try this example or this rare disc). Some recommended CDs are The Centennial Collection, as well as The Birth of Swing, a CD set no jazz fan should be without! As already mentioned, the Camel Caravan radio performances are worth their weight in gold, and the CD set On the Air 1937-1938 has a nice collection of live gems from other radio shows. That having been said, any reputable online CD store will have plenty other fine Benny Goodman CDs to choose from as well, though again, this assumes one chooses not to go the iTunes route in the first place!

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Shots from the Hip

It’s time I ended my self-imposed blogging draught. The best way I figured to get back in the swing of things, so to speak, was with some random musings; some “shots from the hip,” as they were. Just picture yours truly affixing a Browning Automatic Rifle to a hip holster and spraying lead at Obamunism and other left-wing assaults on our liberties!

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If Bill Clinton was “the first black President,” then B. Hussein Obama is the nation’s first “Muslim” President.

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As somebody who has observed politics for almost 20 years, I've come to a rule of thumb when it comes to cumulative electoral victories.  When Democrats lose big at the polls, it's because they have governed way too far to the left (as they are doing right now!).  When Republicans lose big at the polls, it's because they don't stand for anything and end up trying to be Democrats-lite -- always a losing proposition for our side.
 
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In the course of B. Hussein Obama’s blatant, naked attempts to nationalize our economy by trying to destroy the private sector in part with mob outrage (think the ginned-up AIG executive bonus scandal), he continually whines about how tough the job of president is, and how horrible the mess is that he “inherited” from the previous administration. 

Did we hear Ronald Reagan whine about the mess that he inherited from Jimmy Carter (which, I might remind everybody, was much worse than this “crisis” we have to contend with now) in the early ‘80s?

More to the point, did anybody hear Mitt Romney complain about the colossal mess he inherited when he became the CEO of the Salt Lake Olympic Committee? In the late 1990s, the organization in charge of the 2002 Winter Olympics at Salt Lake City was awash in scandals of graft and, worse yet, in dire financial straits. It took the leadership skills and strong business savvy of Mitt Romney to turn things around, and put on the best Winter Games to date. That same type of leadership is what we are in desperate need of today. As Obama continues to make the economy even more stagnant with his utter incompetence – not unlike Jimmy Carter – it is as if he’s setting the stage for Mitt to take over after 2012. Time will tell.

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As if we need to re-hash this again, the liberal-leftist drive-bys in the media (such as the very left-wing, very naïve cartoonist Clay Bennett have been sounding like a hoard of Pavlov’s Dogs when Rush Limbaugh said that he hoped that Obama would fail. Anybody with a modicum of mental capacity and who is intellectually honest as well – not necessarily a guaranteed package deal! – realizes that Rush did not say that he personally hoped Obama’s presidency would fail, as the price of such failure would be damage to our country in one way or another (think Jimmy Carter’s failed presidency by 1980). Rather, he said that he hoped Obama’s attempts to pervert this great nation into a Socialist Banana republic fail, and I for one do too.

Hope for that sort of failure? Count me in!

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I love Middle America. The elites on the coasts disdain it as “flyover country,” but to me, it represents the true American values of hard work, honesty, integrity, respect for free enterprise, and, more to the point, an appreciation of limited government. With that in mind, remember when liberal author Thomas Frank wrote that condescending book What’s The Matter With Kansas? Kansas isn’t the problem, per se, as other states in Middle America tend to be in subtle ways.

Many of us conservatives rightfully disdain the disgusting self-indulgence on display when voters in Manhattan, Hollywood, San Francisco, Boston or Seattle endorse boutique socialist policies that all taxpayers across the country are forced to subsidize by the very coercion of the government itself. What is even more disturbing is that folks in some pockets of Middle America, such as, say, Iowa, Wisconsin or Minnesota, are sometimes just as apt to vote in the same manner as the self-indulgent, shallow-living denizens on the coasts. 

Iowa, for example, can be thought of as part of the back-bone of traditional Middle-American values, and yet, sometimes their voting habits are indistinguishable from Manhattan-based socialism. The problem with the good-hearted folks of Iowa, is that they’re naïve enough to think that endorsing big-government policies is a way of helping out their neighbor, without realizing the drastic consequences that eventually follow. How ironic for these hard-working, church-going folk to forget that the road to hell is paved with good intentions.

As an aside, this is way I’ve always liked the South more than the Midwest. Same Middle American values, but they’re not as apt to get suckered into big government initiatives. They’re more independent (and less complacent) than folks in the Midwest, and their recent voting habits prove it. Plus, the football is better and the girls are prettier in the South, and the cities of the South are among the best business climates in this great land. What’s not to love?

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Want the proof-positive that Marxism goes against everything that American society stands for? Contrast the basic premises of Marx’s ideology and our Protestant-rooted culture. To Marx, work was bad; it got in the way of what he viewed as the ideal for society, which to him was being to able to sit around the write poetry. For all you Harley-Davidson fans, classic car gearheads, SEC football fans and NASCAR fans, I’ll allow you sufficient pause time for you to grab your barf bags, as I’ll grab mine.

America, however, from its earliest days was rooted in the Protestant work ethic, where hard work is good for you, and as such is good for the soul. Indeed, almost 400 years after the Pilgrims established their colony at Plymouth Rock, work defines who we are. Just as we give thanks to Almighty God for his bountiful blessings, we should likewise give thanks for the myriads of opportunities we have to further fine-tune our personal definitions through our productivity. That is the American Way.

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It's Steele!!!

   GOP comeback 2010/2012 continues on schedule.  First we get solid conservative minority leadership in the House with Cantor and Pence, and now, as of this afternoon, we have a brand-new RNC chairman, former Maryland Lt. Governor (and would-be Senator) Michael Steele.  The difference between the old and new chairs are as stark as night and day.  The old chair, Mike Duncan, could not have been spotted in a police line-up.  Having a bland technocrat as your party chair with a baby-killing, sweet-talking Jimmy Carter clone in the White House is electoral suicide.  For once, the GOP got the memo and made a fine choice.
   Oh sure, my absolute choice was Ken Blackwell, for I liked the fire in his belly and his call for a "shareholder takeover of the party," meaning we should let the conservative base dictate policy, not country club "moderate" blue bloods.  But no matter.  Michael Steele was my close, solid second choice, and truth be told, I could hardly be happier -- all things considered at least (read:  the current White House situation).  Steele is exactly what we need.  He's charismatic, a strong communicator, and a super-quality human being.  Part of his multi-faceted background includes being a Augustine seminarian at one time, and in another period, he played the part of Harold Hill in a local Baltimore production of The Music Man.  Let us not forget that part of Reagan's success was his showman background.  The fact that Steele just happens to be the first black person to become GOP chair is but an ancillary benefit; his charisma and personal qualities, after all, go much further than just skin-deep.  Now let's go to work!
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Good News for the GOP from the House

   Here’s some good news: our prelude to taking back the House starts now. Yes, the Republicans decided to retain John Boehner as House Minority Leader. His performance over the past two years was mostly lackluster, though he showed some strong leadership during the high-gas price crisis earlier this summer. The candlelight vigil of sorts that he helped orchestrate in the House chamber after Nancy Pelosi tried to squelch debate on this most salient of issues was a sign that unlike the Democrats, the Republicans actually were listening to the will of the people. Besides, anyone other than the incompetent Dennis Hastert is an improvement.
 
   But that aside, our leadership in the House, while still in the minority, is about to get much more robust. The GOP just elected Eric Cantor of Virginia to the House Minority Whip post, with Indiana’s Mike Pence elected to the Number Three spot in House party leadership. Both of these fellows are strong, vocal, articulate voices for conservatism, and will be effective voices for alternative policies to Obama’s socialism in the coming months. With these two fine fellows, our comeback starts now!
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Romney on the Big Three

   More hogs are lining up at the trough in the wake of the Wall Street bailout. The pigs that now hope to get fed are none other than Detroit’s “Big Three.” I love GM cars; I’ve been a dyed-in-the-wool GM man my whole life. But I and many others have pointed out that GM, along with Ford or Chrysler, have structural deficiencies that make them non-competitive with Japanese and other foreign makes. Bailing out the Big Three with government money will do nothing to solve these deficiencies, but rather allow for them to continue until the next time these corporations end up running out of money. Nothing will be done to solve untenable union labor contracts, nothing will be done to do away with paying pensions to those who no longer work there, and bailing out the Detroit automakers will do nothing about the problem of paying all employees’ healthcare costs. The foreign makes are not saddled with these burdens.
   I love GM cars, as I’ve already mentioned (I drive a 2008 Buick LaCrosse, and have driven Chevys and Cadillacs before then). But these days, GM seems more like a company that exists to give benefits to its employees and makes cars on the side, as opposed to the other way around.  But don’t take my word for it. Mitt Romney basically says the same thing in an op-ed piece in the NY Times. Why did so many of us support Mitt’s candidacy back during the primary season? He knows how to turn things around. Some ideas for a Big Three turnaround are thus shared in this piece, and they don’t involve the government further funding their crippling deficiencies with taxpayer dollars. 
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Election Hindsight

    This was supposed to be an election with a record-setting voter turnout. Extra emphasis is to be placed on “supposed,” especially when the actual numbers don’t bear that out. Obama’s total vote count was 64.84 million compared to McCain’s 56.16 million votes. That adds up to about 121 million votes. Compare those figures to the election returns of 2004, where Bush-43 garnered 62 million votes and Kerry received 59 million tallies, and whaddya know, both respective vote totals are roughly the same. So much for this allegedly huge turnout that the drive-by media has been hitting us over the head with for the past month!
 
     So, if there was no “largest turnout in history” or some such garbage, how does one account for such results? Obviously, more swing voters sided with the Democrats this time. The “undecided,” independent voters pay less attention to candidates’ ideology and more towards events. As things turned out, a slight majority of swing voters did not care about B. Hussein Obama’s past affiliations (Jeremiah Wright, Bill Ayers, Rashid Khalidi), and were paying attention to the stock market and the housing bubble having burst, and somehow blamed President Bush for the whole mess. They voted for generic “change,” not entirely understanding what this “change” might actually entail.
 
   But the swing voters having been misled by events and deceptive advertising probably would not have been an issue had more fundamental problems been addressed earlier on, namely the flawed nature of McCain’s candidacy in particular and the Republicans’ perfidies in general. Simply put, too many Republican voters stayed home. The question becomes, “why?”
   
   The properly discerning conservatives understand that if you don’t vote for Republicans, Democrats, with their machine-like interest group systems in place, will always have a large turnout. Certain groups will always vote for Democrats because the Dems provide them with tax-funded goodies or leftwing policies that most of these groups like (abortion, minority set-asides, gay and other pervert-friendly social engineering legislation, environmental restrictions for the enviro-socialists, you name it). At the very least, the Republicans can act as a dam that can hold back these liberal-leftist tides that could crush/drown our society. But if enough perfidies are committed by this party that is supposed to favor limited government, the base will become demoralized and cease to support the GOP. These folks would certainly not pull the lever for the Democrats, but they just will not vote for the Republicans; they will stay home as a means of “disciplining” the Republicans, thus ensuring victory for the Dems and allowing for liberal-leftist policies to rule the day.
 
   Many of these “perfidies” include lots of Republicans in Congress trying to mimic Democrats with “me too” policies that were watered-down versions of the opposition’s. The out-of-control spending that happened on the Republicans’ watch is one of the most sterling examples. Furthermore, both Bush-41 and Bush-43 have made it hard on Republicans by trying to modify conservatism away from its basic, core message of limited government, economic liberty and robust foreign policy. Bush-41 immediately tried to compromise Reagan’s good works with his “kinder, gentler nation” baloney. Then along came our current president with his “compassionate conservatism” mullarky. Such climates bred a perfect environment for many weak-kneed Republicans to wander off the ideological reservation and engage in their own nest-feathering, either to buy off votes, or to try to make themselves look good in front of the drive-by media or Washington elites.
 
   Which brings us back to John McCain. Throughout George W. Bush’s entire presidency, McCain’s senatorial tenure seemed to be marked by posturing as a “maverick,” trying to ingratiate himself to the drive-bys at the expense of the party in general and Bush’s presidential agenda in particular. As Star Parker pointed out in a recent column, as soon as a president is inaugurated, it is critical for him to demonstrate he is a leader, for him to consolidate his political power, and move his agenda forward. George W. Bush was hamstrung in this regard in two ways, one being the liberals still nipping at his heels for a supposedly “stolen” election, thus denying him the political honeymoon that most presidents get in their first few months in office. The other was John McCain, who was preventing fellow Republicans in Congress from going in lockstep with their new president because of his myopic obsession with “campaign finance reform,” another ploy to suck up to the leftwing media at the expense of the party and the president’s agenda.
 
   As things have turned out, McCain has been burned by the fire he himself started. Carol Platt Liebau offers four hard lessons for the Republicans as we move forward. One is that “campaign finance reform” will always favor liberal Democrat candidates. These new laws that McCain himself advocated end up stifling competing voices against the onslaught of leftist-oriented news from the drive-bys, meaning that many independent voters rely on news organizations more than ever before: advantage, Democrats. Another hard lesson is that this “maverick” shtick will only take you so far. Being a “maverick” is great when you can get brownie points from the liberal drive-by media by making the president of your own party look bad with initiatives like the “Gang of 14” and cap-and-trade regulations that will make it more difficult for us to be economically competitive with the rest of the world. But when you yourself are running for president against a Democrat candidate, all that fawning press coverage instantly evaporates, leaving you to answer to the Republican base that you’ve done your best to alienate for the past eight years. At that point, you need the base more than they need you. Some are willing to forgive your perfidies of the past because the alternative -- a pseudo-Messianic figure who is all style, zero substance, and very left-wing – is less palatable than bile mixed with hemlock. But others in the base will never forgive your apostasies, and that portion will simply stay home on Election Day, leaving you – and the country – at the mercy of hoards of leftist minions dutifully showing up at the polls.
 
   As we move forward, I would add a fifth lesson to Mrs. Liebau’s four: in an electoral climate as polarized as ours is, the key to victory is turnout. As we’ve seen in 1992, 1998 and now in 2008, conservative Republican voters will not show up and help campaign for candidates simply because there is an “R” to the right of their names: they have to demonstrate fealty to conservative principles. Conservatives are the ones who do all of the heavy lifting in the party, and if we are betrayed with “maverick” policies, no one else in the party has the guts – or the strength – to pick up the slack (Mrs. Liebau hit the nail on the head when she noted that a maverick is ultimately a party of one). Perhaps that was why there was more enthusiastic support for McCain’s VP nominee than for his own candidacy!
 
   It would not hurt to be more diligent in nominating someone who is less of a “maverick” during the presidential primaries 2012. Doing so will ensure us a stronger turnout come the general election four years from now.
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How Could This Have Happened?

  How could this have happened, you no doubt ask? How could America elect someone whom they know so little about, someone who traveled in the circles of people who have expressed open hatred for America? How could we elect someone who has only served for 193 days in the U.S. Senate, and has the most liberal voting record while in that august body?
 
   I could offer a long, drawn-out explanation, and I just might in a later post. But for now, a shorter explanation will do. More to the point, I prefer the Occam’s Razor approach at this point in time at any rate. The ‘razor’ in question, for those uninformed, states that all things being equal, the simplest explanation is the correct one. And it’s very simple to point out that the timing was simply bad. Let’s face the facts: you don’t want to be the party in the White House when there’s a financial meltdown on Wall Street just month or so before a new presidential election. It’s as simple as that.                                                   
   
   Add in the bursting of the housing bubble, and that was enough to sway some erstwhile red states  (Virginia, Florida, possibly North Carolina) into the blue camp. Whether or not this swaying is a temporary dalliance remains to be seen. Despite continuously stagnant economies in Michigan and Pennsylvania, they’re determined to remain blue, and shoot themselves in the foot economically in so doing. Why? Labor unions make up large percentages of both states’ populations, and various factions, such as large black populations in the Detroit and Philadelphia areas combined with a very odd population overall in the Keystone State amount to lots of factions dependent on government entitlements/handouts. Why did Ohio go blue this time? Honestly, it’s a wonder it didn’t go blue earlier, since it’s facing the same sort of problems that led to economic suicide elsewhere in the Rust Belt. Apparently, not enough time has passed for Ohio to forget about the perfidies of the Bob Taft Republican machine in the Buckeye State.
 
   Colorado, New Mexico and Nevada swinging blue can largely be accounted to changing demographics. Simply put, there are large Hispanic populations in all three states, and the Republican party in particular and conservatives in general have done a horrible job extending our message of economic opportunity and individual liberty to this and other ethnic groups. Indeed, these three states are a stark reminder that if the conservative movement is not to be reduced to a glorified debating society, we are going to have to bring in more blacks, Hispanics and Asians, to remind all Americans that conservatism is for everyone, and that the Republican Party is not just the party of white middle class males.                                                                                                                                                                                                                 Which    Which 
   
   Which leads me to the most puzzling state of all to turn blue, that being my current state of residence, Indiana. The Hoosier State has not voted for a Democrat presidential candidate since 1964. For 40+ years, it was considered the most reliable state for Republicans on the electoral map. Why the change? As of right now, my initial response would be that some in-depth analyses would be necessary to give an intelligent answer. But for right now, my gut feeling tells me that people with options have moved out of this podunk state to greener pastures in places like Florida, Georgia, Texas and Arizona, leaving only under-educated losers who cannot overcome their own character flaws and warped values so as to increase their productivity and improve their way of life. This ‘gut feeling’ dovetails into a much broader, macro issue with which those of us in the center-right Republican coalition have to contend as we move forward. Our opposition is primarily composed of an unholy alliance between the upper class who loves the idea of boutique social liberalism and the Great Unwashed who think they’re entitled to every government handout conceivable by man. How to attack and defeat this two-headed monster will be for future discussions and debates, but in the meantime, we should make efforts to at least keep the middle class as unified as possible into our coalition, and increase our outreach to ethnic groups and to young people. A party and political movement in the wilderness is in the perfect position to do just that. We can only go up from here. Time to break the huddle and concentrate on winning the second half.
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Rush's Prebuttal to Obama's Infomercial

  You do not want to miss this!
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What does all this "Change" mean?

   “Change” is the constant mantra we’ve heard from the Obama campaign. But every candidate stands for some sort of “change,” so what makes this generic word so special to the Obamunists? It has to do with the myths that those on the left have bought into, those myths being false images that leftists have conjured up about America under the Bush Administration. Dennis Prager’s latest column sums it up much better than I could.
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Why the Left Blames America First

   If there’s one thing that very concisely characterizes the modern left, it’s their constant propensity to blame America first. Those that have made themselves susceptible to said propensity I have since labeled the “Hate America First” contingent. But what blame a country that has been so good to them? Why heap scorn on a nation that has given these people unlimited opportunity to prosper?

   The answer lies in that these people operate from a false premise. Recall in one of my earlier columns that one of the key differences between liberals and conservatives is that while the latter seek pragmatic solutions that have proven to work, the former continue to cling to their policies, no matter how many times they have failed. Idealism animates the left, whereas pragmatism guides the right. That hints at the core of why the left always blames (read: hates) America first.

   This is the greatest country that humanity has ever known. It is the greatest country in reality. But those of us who live in reality and not in La-la Land (read: San Francisco, Manhattan, west side of LA, Seattle, etc.) know that people create countries, and people are not perfect. The left, however, continue to ignore all the inconvenient truths that people are not perfect, and continue to cling to the fantasy that mankind is somehow perfectible. Indeed, not only do they believe in such perfectibility, they expect it, hence the aforementioned false premise.

   The concept of “Utopia” is a perfect society based on reason. Notice that p-word again. But given man’s inherent fallibility, Utopia has never been possible at any time in recorded or pre-recorded history. Depending on one’s theology, it might very well be possible in the next life, but that is another matter entirely. We Christians learn early on that we will always fall short of the ideals we cling to, but there are built-in mechanisms for forgiveness for our failings through repentance, etc. The bottom line is, we understand that falling short of preached ideals is an inevitability, and we deal with them as these shortcomings arise.

   The problem with the left, however, is that when something is shown to be not perfect when they expect it to be, it is deserving of unmerciful condemnation. Simply put, the left compares America to something that is unattainable – Utopia. But because Utopia is not possible – contrary to what those on the left believe – America, in the left’s eyes, will always fall short. More practical individuals – conservatives – would quickly realize that that comparison is unreasonable, and would adjust our frame of reference accordingly (we already have!). But the left cannot give up on their Utopian fantasies, and as such, America will never measure up to their unreasonable expectations, hence, once again, the left’s propensity to blame America first.

   The biggest irony in this false premise of the left is that America’s ideals have led to this nation solving its own shortcomings. For example, the left loves to browbeat America for slavery and segregation. But those practices did not mesh with the ideals surrounding the Declaration of Independence, and the Constitution had the mechanisms that allowed for us to, over time, rid ourselves of these problems democratically. As previously mentioned, Christians believe in forgiveness and redemption; again, what is implicit in those beliefs is the acknowledgement that shortcomings are inevitable by virtue of being human.

   But acknowledging that premise presupposes that one is grounded in a faith of the Judeo-Christian tradition. Those who tend to shun that sort of faith also tend to worship man instead, hence the idea of mankind’s perfectibility as opposed to the right’s faith in a perfect Creator. While those on the right readily acknowledge that God has blessed America, many on the left act as if the land were never blessed to begin with. 

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The Spirit of '76 vs. "The Spirit of '68"

     In my previous blog “entry,” (read: tome) I pointed out how the lines between liberal and left have been blurred to the point where there is no recognition between the two, and that the worldview that has been left is one that calls for an entirely different agenda for our nation than the traditional goals/values that conservatives call for. If one wants to drill deeper and examine the animi behind these opposing visions, they can be distilled down to different ‘spirits,’ the traditional “Spirit of ’76” and the nihilistic “Spirit of ’68.”

   All patriotic Americans know of the Spirit of ’76, as in 1776. It is a spirit of independence, of self-reliance – or, looking to individual, ordinary people as the core strength of America and the power behind America’s greatness. That sort of ‘spirit,’ or mentality, logically leads to the call for a limited government, one that does not stifle free enterprise (the whole thing about “taxation without representation” was one of the main issues that drove us to cut the umbilical cord from the mother country, after all), and one that does not try to micromanage individual and interpersonal behavior (read: no “speech codes,” and no “sexual harassment” laws). In terms of foreign policy, that spirit is embodied by the Revolutionary era American flag, which had the alternating horizontal red and white stripes and a snake in the middle. Underneath was a script with a clear warning to would-be enemies: “[D]on’t tread upon me.” A similar flag from that era was also popular in the rebelling States.

   The Spirit of ’76 also provides the underpinnings of American Exceptionalism, the idea that there are reasons behind the fact that we have succeeded in many ways where before many nations and empires had failed. The aforementioned animus also encompasses a strong faith component. For all the revisionism that our Founding Fathers were “deists,” they all routinely appealed to a higher power, and routinely sought the blessings of an Almighty God – as understood through a Judeo-Christian lens – to guide them as leaders and to protect this young nation as a whole. George Washington prayed in church for guidance shortly before being inaugurated as our first president, and later in his term was the first to call for setting aside an official holiday to give thanks to God for the many blessings he had bestowed upon America (roughly 73 years later, Abraham Lincoln would finally make Thanksgiving an official holiday in 1863). All of this suggests a requirement that to maintain success both as an individual and as a society, it remains paramount to be able to acknowledge, at the very least, that there are bigger things out there than oneself.

   All in all, it comes as no surprise that the Spirit of ’76 is part of the driving force behind traditional Americans of past areas and those on the right side of the ideological spectrum in this modern era. Contrast that with the “Spirit of ’68,” as in 1968, which animates the modern left. Rich Lowry of National Review points out that what’s left out of the nostalgic accounts of young baby boomers coming of age in the 1960s and rebelling against their parents and “the system” is the nihilism, that ideological wrecking ball of tearing down tradition for the sheer, ephemeral thrill of it. In a past essay, I pointed out that the Republicans are the party of delayed gratification and working towards the future, whereas the Dems are all about the ephemeral here and now. That drive for instant gratification derived from rebellion, and the underlying nihilism that fueled said drive, is the ugly truth behind young, degenerate hippies then and the toxic leftist ideology they spawned.

   Everything these degenerate, spoiled brats stood for flew directly in the face of everything that previous generations had worked hard to build and fought/died to protect. Heeding the call for self-sacrifice and to protect America, the Greatest Generation came through. In so doing, they fought and bled to defeat the twin evils of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. After they came home, through their hard work, they built the biggest, strongest middle class the world had ever seen:  one that continues to grow and flourish to this day. The grand irony in all of this is that the children of the Greatest Generation (not all, but at least enough to cause lasting damage to our society and culture) ended up giving rise to the Spirit of ’68, one that eschews delayed gratification, self-sacrifice, service in the form of protecting our nation, rewarding risk-taking and high productivity, and acknowledging the wisdom of those who came before you. 

   Monogamy was rejected in place of “free love.” Private property was seen as fascist, whereas communal property was seen as, like, cool. If you were poor, it was because evil corporations run by Adolf Eichmann clones were deliberately bleeding you dry. The Spirit of ’68 also dictated that love of country and American Exceptionalism were tantamount to evil, and in place came the celebration of world citizenship and denouncing America as racist, sexist, bigoted and homophobic. The adherents of the Spirit of ’68 called for “liberation” by hijacking Ivy League campuses and holding employees of those universities hostage with threats of escalating violence. Over time, this trend towards anarchy-as-“liberation” gave rise to the exact opposite of that against which they were ostensibly rebelling, as Rich Lowry chronicles.

   The self-centered flower children might have been anti-war, but that did not stop them from resorting to violence and related threats to have their way. Some radical leftists such as Barack Obama’s close friend Bill Ayers led the Weathermen Underground, who literally wanted to “bring the war home to America” and engaged in terrorist bombings on our own soil. The young idealists might have been rebelling against an authoritarian system, but authoritarian coercion turned out to be quite convenient for implementing “speech codes,” micromanaging individual relationships, and every other aspect of our lives.

   Whereas with the Spirit of ’76 there is a deep, abiding faith in its adherents that this is a blessed land of a chosen people (to quote the late Ronaldus Magnus), the adherents of the animus conjured up in 1968 reject what they have deemed to be an overly simplistic notion. 

   The gaps in the ‘spiritual’ sense (no pun intended!) perhaps speak the biggest volumes. Whereas the Spirit of ’76 includes acknowledgement of the blessings of Divine Providence as a prerequisite for understanding just how privileged one is to be American, The Spirit of ’68 sees all progress coming from Man and Man alone. Translation: conservatives worship God, while leftists worship the secular. Indeed, liberalism in its modern form has become its own ersatz religion (with abortion being the cult’s sacrament), a quasi-faith that is far more liberating to its adherents than the genuine, Judeo-Christian variety that reminds us there is a judgmental God out there and He would like for us to stay on the straight and narrow. This accounts for why those who spawned the Spirit of ’68 are overtly hostile to the Ten Commandments, as Michael Medved eloquently explains in a recent blog post. As inconvenient as this truth may be, those on the “religious right” and the “religious” left are therefore, in many ways worshipping two different gods. Conservatives of faith use themselves as vehicles to worship God, whereas leftists who give lip-service to religion actually just use God as a vehicle to worship themselves. No wonder the libs hate the “Big Ten:” the first commandment demands that they put no god before the Almighty, and yet they do so as a matter of routine!

   The ‘so-what’ in all of this is that the two presidential candidates are respectively faithful to these opposing Spirits. For all his faults, John McCain is a rather decent adherent to the Spirit of ’76. Meanwhile, Barack Obama is the most faithful, steadfast follower of the Spirit of ’68 than any other candidate in our nation’s history. The company he has kept for 20+ years with people who have dedicated their lives to destroying everything America stands for (e.g., Jeremiah Wright, Bill Ayers, Michael Pfleger) demonstrates that he is in the ’68 camp, rejecting the ’76 ideas. This alone should properly guide our voting decisions as we show up to the polls on Election Day. Come early November, we have a crucial opportunity to protect the Spirit of ’76 from a deadly assault by its hostile adversary.

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Different Visions

     Many people, both liberal and conservative, like to believe that regardless of your ideology – save for the Communist and Green Parties – everybody wants the same thing, it’s that we take different approaches to try to reach the same end/goal. That may very well have been true in previous decades, but since the tectonic political shifts that occurred in the 1960s -- particularly during LBJ’s presidency -- two entirely different visions for America, and the world, for that matter, have sprung up in what still amounts to two major ideological camps.
   
   Part of the reason for this is the blurring of an important line. The terms ‘liberal’ and ‘left’ meant two different things even during John F. Kennedy’s short time in office. Democrats such as Franklin Roosevelt were certainly liberal, no question about that, and their big-government approaches to solving problems demonstrated such. But when it came time to wave the flag and put country first, they came through along with everyone else, hence FDR’s capable leadership during WWII (leadership that proved to be far more capable than his economic policies which caused the Depression to be a decade-long nightmare!).
 
   All that changed in the 1960s, when the terms ‘liberal’ and ‘leftist’ lost their distinction from each other. For example; in earlier times, liberals were by and large almost as patriotic as conservatives (save for those who turned a blind eye to communist spies working in our government in the 1940s and early ‘50s), mainly because both celebrated American Exceptionalism. Leftists, meanwhile, have always eschewed any sort of nationalism in favor of world citizenship. Liberals today espouse the same sort of worldview, hence the liberal-left knee-jerk reaction to constantly defer to the UN for policy guidance, foreign or otherwise. But that institution is comprised of mostly third-world despots and other assorted thugs who are directly hostile to the ideas of Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of happiness, the same ideas that have guided this country so nobly over the past 230+ years.
 
   One of the most obvious areas where the right and left diverge is the role of government in our lives. Those on the right recognize that people are better at solutions than government, that all the advancements in our history – technological, artistic, political – have come from ordinary people with extraordinary ideas which can either be rewarded or rejected in a free marketplace. Contrast that with the left’s approach; to the left, everything revolves around government. The left views government as the be-all-and-end-all, for without government dictating to us what is necessary – and appropriating our money accordingly – nothing is possible. As such, while conservatives seek pragmatic solutions that work (if they don’t work, the market will reject them), liberals/leftists don’t think that way. It does not matter to them whether or not the solution works, so long as government blesses it and subsidizes it.
 
    Behind these approaches lie entirely different mentalities. Those on the right understand that people know what is best for themselves, and that most people are capable of making their own competent decisions to suit their own respective interests. The very core impetus of leftist thought, however, is the notion that “we know what is best for you,” hence their reliance on government for every last thing. The power to govern is the power to control. This lust for control explains why it matters not if liberal solutions don’t work, so long as liberals maintain their control through government. This in turn explains the ideological state of the Democrat Party as it is composed today, and why it has ceased to be a mainstream party. With such a party with a jones to control everyone and everything, the Democrats have essentially become a larger, watered-down version of the American Communist Party, which explains why so many liberal Democrats have been in love with communists for over 60 years.
 
   One of the most obvious areas in which right-vs-left visions compete is in education. Many people on either side of the ideological spectrum will acknowledge there are problems in our educational system, but that’s where the commonality ends. Conservatives/those on the right take a free market approach. They recognize that government has a near-monopoly on teaching our young people, and they’re not doing a very good job of it, for any number of reasons (the teachers unions not wanting to make their members work too hard being one of them). Therefore, the solution those on the right propose is to allow more private avenues of education help fill this dire need in the marketplace. Competition in the free market breeds the best products in a very Darwinian, natural-selection sort of way. In education, competition must be allowed to take place to allow the much-needed solutions to take hold.
 
   The liberals, meanwhile, want nothing to do with competition. Their solution is the tired, worn-out, throw-money-at-it approach. When throwing money at the problem does not make said problem go away, the libs’ predictable response is that we’re not throwing enough money at it! Again, this goes back to pragmatism vs. idealism. But it also goes back to the libs’ lust for power and control. A well-educated public is vital to a healthy republic. But if the majority of the public remains chronically under-educated thanks to government incompetence, that majority will lack the critical thinking skills necessary to be able to discern the importance of American Exceptionalism, to say nothing of knowing the economic implications behind half-baked socialist government initiatives.
 
   Indeed, the last thing that liberals want is a well-educated populace, because if enough people are armed with enough marketable skills and have the drive to make good livings with said skills, who needs liberals? Answer: nobody, which is why those on the left have a vested interest in the current dysfunctional status quo, so libs in government can keep people under-educated, dependent on government, and keep voting liberals into office so they can maintain their stranglehold of power.
 
   Nothing could be more evident regarding the differences in worldviews than the messages I heard in the second presidential debate between John McCain and Barack Obama. When it came to domestic issues, McCain’s approach was almost always individual-oriented. The message I was walking away with from McCain’s camp was “let people decide for themselves what is best: let them choose their own healthcare, let them keep more of their own money, etc.” Obama’s approach was polar-opposite of McCain’s. The message I got from the Obama camp was “we in the government are all-knowing, all-sensing, all-compassionate, and we’ll find solutions for you, because, after all, we know what is best.” 
 
   The properly discerning individual, if listening carefully to Obama’s own campaign message, can wade through the pretty rhetoric and recognize that Obama’s worldview and agenda are absolutely inimical to the American way of life. Factor in his far-far-left voting record, and it all adds up to a candidate who is so left-wing in his ideology, it makes the very liberal John Kerry seem downright moderate by comparison. When it comes time for us to go to the polling booths in early November, every one of us should take the stark difference between these opposing worldviews before submitting our ballots.
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